Governments and right-wing propaganda intentionally confuse the categories of helping and trafficking migrants. This article is especially relevant right now in light of the Scot Warren and Pia Klemp cases making the news.
'Finally, in a footnote, he left open the possibility that law-enforcement officials might not need a warrant to obtain cell-site location records for a shorter period of time than the seven days at issue in Carpenter’s case. But what law-enforcement officials do not have, he stressed, is “unrestricted access to a wireless carrier’s database of” cell-site location information.'
I had no idea some European countries regulated baby names to such a degree (maintaining white lists and requiring names to be indicative of gender).
"The only player in the game unworthy of “civil” is the defendant, because the object of the game is to put him in prison. And that’s why judges don’t find cops to be liars. It’s the same reason judges grow disgusted with criminal defense lawyers who won’t let the wheels of justice grind smoothly. We mess up the game."
"The drawbacks of using police sweeps to deliver people to social services are especially relevant in Arizona, where the length of mandatory jail sentences start at 15 days and increase each time a sex worker is convicted."
Spooner's "The Unconstitutionality of Slavery" was published in 1845:
This right of a man “to keep and bear arms,” is a right palpably inconsistent with the idea of his being a slave. Yet the right is secured as effectually to those whom the States presume to call slaves, as to any whom the States condescend to acknowledge free.
Under this provision any man has a right either to give or sell arms to those persons whom the States call slaves; and there is no constitutional power, in either the national or State governments, that can punish him for so doing; or that can take those arms from the slaves; or that can make it criminal for the slaves to use them, if, from the inefficiency of the laws, it should become necessary for them to do so, in defence of their own lives or liberties; for this constitutional right to keep arms implies the constitutional right to use them, if need be, for the defence of one’s liberty or life.